AFRICANEWS

South Africa

An African Renaissance or betrayal of a revolution?

Politics

As South Africans celebrate their fourth independence anniversary, debate on whether or not the Nelson Mandela-led ANC government is living up to its promise rages on.

On April 27, this year, South Africans celebrated their fourth year of independence. It was on this day in 1994 that South Africans held their first democratic elections, signalling the demise of a violent and despotic era of apartheid.

Since then, there has been much debate at all levels of the society on the successes and/or failures of the new ANC (African National Congress) government. Both President Nelson Mandela and vice-president Thabo Mbeki have been under the eye of public scrutiny.
Buzzwords abound: The Rainbow Nation, Reconciliation, Democracy, Transformation, Healing and so on and so forth.

The Truth and Reconciliation Commission, chaired by Arch-bishop Desmond Tutu, currently probing the ills of the past, has an arduous task. Although some view it with scorn, (especially a majority of disinterested whites), it has so far done a commendable job in healing and reconciling both victims and perpetrators of the past era.

The daily transmission of it works on television is just one example of a vastly improved media system. TV and radio in South Africa are now encouraging lively and open political debate - a far cry from the days preceding 1994, when only National Party's views were considered newsworthy. South Africans were on daily basis fed a hearty diet of propaganda and partial truths.

Mr Mbeki is the man behind the notion of an African Renaissance currently occurring in South Africa. This notion promotes a vision of a glorious new era. However, some critical academics, such as John Pilger, in a recent and much discussed Mail and Guardian article (April 17-23 1998), believe that South Africa is experiencing a betrayed revolution. Instead of a glorious new era, we are seeing increased evidence of poverty, crime, corruption and other ills, he reckons, adding that there has been little economic change since 1994.

In my opinion, both African Renaissance and a betrayed of revolution are occurring simultaneously in South Africa today.

Evidence of an African Renaissance can be seen in four several arenas. First, having a democratically elected government with a renowned leader such as Mandela at the helm, has moved South Africa from being a pariah nation, to taking her place in the international community.

Secondly, everyday there is evidence of transformation and reconciliation taking place in South Africa. Black people now have greater pride and self-esteem as evidenced by their body language and gestures. The racial barriers are far more porous now than previously. Schoolchildren display the Renaissance more than any others. I watch them play together in their schools and outside my flat and can see that their play is completely devoid of racial awareness.

There are many friendships across the colour-lines at universities and colleges and also among the working class, although myths and stereotypes still lurk in certain sectors.

Thirdly and very important evidence of the Renaissance is the dramatic decrease in level of political violence. Prior to the 1994 elections, I worked as a Human Rights' Commission researcher, compiling statistics of political violence in the Province of Kwazulu Natal. We averaged between 300-400 deaths from political violence alone, per month. Now, despite continued tension between the ANC and the Inkatha Freedom Party, these deaths average 20 per month. Criminal-related deaths have increased but state-sponsored and instigated violence has disappeared from the scene.

Fourthly, an African Renaissance is noticeable in the increasing sense of inter-continental connections.

Though I do not believe this is yet on an adequate level (relations with the West still seem to be paramount because of the international economic system), diplomatic and trade relations with other African countries are far superior to those of pre-1994 elections. Specifically, South Africa's role in peace talks in Rwanda and Burundi, new trade-relations with Uganda, and election monitoring advice services in Kenya, have served as good examples of the increasing linkages within Africa.

What of the notion of a betrayal of the revolution? Is the concept of a "new South Africa" merely a myth and is it perhaps true, as Pilger argues, that nothing much has changed since 1994? To some extent, the revolution has been betrayed, though whether any revolution has ever delivered the goods it promised is debatable. Power is so insidious and the famous adage that: "power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely" certainly holds true in South Africa today.
Certainly, much of the talk of a "new South Africa" or "a rainbow nation" is rosy rhetoric, especially when one considers the intransigent attitude of some of the whites, who continue to live in splendour, preach "the rainbow nation" from the confines of their elite suburbs, talk about little else than how terrible everything is under the ANC, refuse to venture into the townships, only have acquaintances rather than authentic friendships across the colour line and always speak of black people as "them, or they", thus obliterating the notion of our common humanity.

I still hear people refer to their domestic workers or labourers as "boys" or "girls". The average white south African will accept an elite black person into his mental and physical territories ("they are OK"), but the old racism lurks as deep as ever when it comes to the ordinary people. God forbid if you befriend a labourer!

The dichotomy between (on average), the rich whites living in the good suburbs, versus the poor blacks living in squalid townships or destitute rural areas, remains a reality that it was before the elections. Only minimal adjustments such as a small trickle of the black elite entering the white suburbs (but never, rarely vice-versa), have been witnessed.

Further evidence of the "betrayal of the revolution", is the fact that, while a new black elite has joined the ranks of the white elite, they live in complete contrast to the majority of their poor brothers and sisters. Corruption scandals amongst such elite have blossomed. Meanwhile, 53 per cent of the population live below the poverty line, earning less than 300 Rands (about US$50) per month.

There is an increase in the number of people seeking informal employment in the hometown of Durban, there are more hawkers, more street children, more beggars and more car guards than there were in 1994. The desperate are to be found amongst all the race categories.

Samuel, a softly-spoken car guard has a wife and four children. He says he earns enough for them to eat one meal of porridge in the evenings. There is no money for school or medical fees. His plight echoes that of many others. Where, for these people is the Renaissance and the grand promises of the ANC which is, supposedly, implementing the goals of the Freedom Charter through its Reconstruction and Development Programme.
Writes Pilger: "Since democracy, little has changed. Wealthy white farmers continue to control more than 80 per cent of the land and their existing property rights are guaranteed in the new constitution. Most rural people have no sanitation, electricity or telephone and no work...five per cent of the population continue to control 88 per cent of the wealth....the people who were the power behind apartheid, the great corporations, like Anglo-American, are still here, undiminished."

However, Tebello Pitso, in response to Pilger's article, argues, (Mail and Guardian April 24-29 1998), that : "it is delusion to assume that the ANC-led government holds a panacea or wields a magic wand in the plight of the poorest of the poor. South Africa is a developing country and even developed countries are still grappling with the problem of poverty".

This emphasises an important point - that many of South Africa's current woes are not due to apartheid or post-apartheid but simply due to her developing nation status. She has always been both "First World" and "Third World" embodied in one country. Nevertheless, such economic arguments should not be used to rationalise certain excesses in the society.

Neither should such arguments deny the very profound truth that apartheid has indeed left a legacy of economic divides and deprivation for the majority.

The revolution must continue into the economic realm with redistribution and social improvements being made. It is not only the politicians who have a role (they are perhaps, in some instances, the greatest hindrance to real democracy). Rather, it is all the organs of civil-society, from Churches to youth groups, to cultural and academic institutions which can help foster the Renaissance.

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