A monthly publication
of AFRICANEWS
For the period
covering September 15-October 15, 2002
1. Interview with
Dr. Noah Wekesa, chairman, NAK coordinating committee
2. Can NAK
deliver?
3. Draft
Constitution: A milestone in Kenya’s history
4. Power
restricted to elite families
1. Interview
with Dr. Noah Wekesa, chairman, NAK coordinating committee
By Eric Maino
Q: NAK has named
a single presidential candidate, a goal previously perceived to be
unattainable. How did you arrive at a single nominee? Was everybody – leaders
and supporters – contented?
A: It was out of unity for the opposition.
The unity was a result of a long, delicate process started on February 23 of
this year. When we started our talks, everybody dismissed us as non-starters.
KANU said the opposition couldn’t unite. Newspapers called it a dream. This is
because we did not have an office and our talks were made in hotels, the famous
breakfast meetings, but unknown to them, the jokes we cracked over a cup of tea
were very crucial for the unity…
Our technocrats traversed the country doing surveys that made us come up with resolutions. We could not do everything within a short time, so it took us eight months to September 18. During all this time, we wanted to develop trust and a concrete bond between our leaders. That is why pressure mounted from all quarters that we name our flag bearer – I think people wanted to see us disintegrate immediately after we did that. But all we wanted was understanding and consensus between the leaders. They had to understand and vow to support any leader nominated. Once we accomplished that, we named our torchbearers on September 18.
Everybody was
pleased with the outcome. Even those who had gone to KANU trooped back and
embraced the idea that we are now formidable. This is because we made a
countrywide tour selling our policies before we could name the president.
Kenyans appreciated our ideas.
Q. What exactly
is NAK’s vision for this country?
A: Our vision is to have a peaceful,
integral, progressive Kenya – a Kenya formed under the government of national
unity.
Q: What are
NAK’s plans for the economy?
A: Grand plans. Currently, the Kenyan
economy is in the intensive care unit (ICU) [performing extremely poorly]. The
first thing is for NAK to revive it, and we have Kibaki, a very good
experienced economist, to do that.
Q: Just how are
you going to do that and how long will it take you?
A: Within the first hundred days there
will be remarkable development. We have an economic blueprint that is going to
guide us. In our economy there are no new projects being developed. [We have] a
dilapidated infrastructure and fallen agriculture and tourism sectors. The
first thing, therefore, is to champion good governance. We want a small cabinet
appointed on merit and ready to serve the country.
We in NAK will
also create a healthy relationship with the international community, mainly the
IMF and the World Bank, so that lending can resume. [Kenya has been without
foreign aid for 10 years because of allegations of official corruption].
We shall also
revive the agricultural sector since it is the economic backbone of the
country. NAK shall promote the sector by providing incentives and developing
horticulture for export.
A NAK
government shall make sure taxes collected are put to good use. Kenya collects
Ksh230 billion [US$2.9 billion] yearly, but it is not mirrored in development.
Then, of
course, we shall beef up security so that citizens can do their business
freely. You are aware that the KANU government had failed to act upon
insecurity in the past 10 years, driving investors and tourists away. We shall
restore confidence. Since Kenya is endowed with vast tourist sites, we shall
develop the sector for foreign earnings and employment.
We shall revive
our collapsed industries and create jobs for the Kenyan youth who are currently
unemployed.
Q: What does
NAK see as the major problems afflicting Kenya today, and what are you going to
do about them?
A: Tribalism is our number one enemy,
which [President] Moi perfected to enable him to rule the country with an iron
rod, messing each and everything. It was used to perpetuate a dictatorial,
non-performing regime.
NAK shall establish a truth and reconciliation commission to heal the wounds of tribal clashes. Appointments shall only be done on merit. NAK shall stop the creation of tribal districts. Using the mass media and traditional media, we shall integrate all communities by doing away with fears. We shall also resettle all victims of tribal clashes because they have title deeds to their land and it is ridiculous for somebody to grab it. NAK shall set up civic education countrywide so that people can learn [about] their rights.
Another problem
is corruption, which has officially taken centre stage, affecting the entire
stratum from a messenger to the president. [Eradicating corruption] is a
mammoth task, which we cannot promise to end within five years. It will be long
term, but we shall set a good example. [We] will prove to people that services
can be provided without having to bribe.
Our government
shall put in place a very powerful and independent anti-corruption team… About
those who committed economic crimes [against] this country, we shall not go
deep into it, but all fresh incidents of say two years ago shall be tackled.
Our government shall not tolerate any corrupt leader.
We shall also
overhaul the whole judiciary, where graft manifests itself, and put up an
honest team. Justice and rule of law shall prevail.
Q: Are there
any substantial political achievements that NAK can speak of?
A: Obviously, the unity. Amalgamating 14
political parties and selecting leaders without splitting is no mean
achievement. It is a major political milestone, not only in Kenya but also
across the continent.
Another notable
score is derived from the fact that NAK has now penetrated into areas
previously perceived as KANU strongholds. In the Rift Valley, we are now
enjoying overwhelming support from the province.
Q: What are the
chances of NAK forming the next government?
A: Very high. As we are speaking now, I
would say we have 60 percent support countrywide, however, by the time
Parliament is dissolved, we shall have moved ahead.
Q: What are the
contents of NAK’s manifesto?
A: Our manifesto provides for free
primary education, while providing loans to students in tertiary institutions.
It contains the payment of teachers’ salaries, which shall be done within the
first hundred days in Parliament, economic revival, and affordable healthcare.
We shall also strive to reduce poverty to 25 percent by the end of our first
term in office.
Q: What does
NAK want included in the new constitution? Do you agree with the draft document
as it currently stands?
A: The draft constitution is okay apart
from a few things like the hiring of non-politicians to the cabinet. That is
incredible! We need a cabinet answerable to the people. We object to that, and
we shall sort it out during the national conference.
We don’t want a president who is above the law. We also want a mixed member representation so that each group like the disabled and women can be catered for properly. NAK also wants an autonomous local government that will comprehensively articulate the needs of the grassroots person.
We also want
the police force to be retrained to serve Kenyans properly, among other changes
included in the draft that we presented to the Ghai team [the CKRC, headed by
Prof. Yash Pal Ghai].
Q: Will the
coming general election be free and fair?
A: I’m afraid not. KANU has failed to
stop animosity erupting around the country, a recipe for electoral violence. In
the past two general elections, there were tribal clashes all over to displace
people so that KANU could win votes. Just the other day, some people were
hacked to death in Mathare slums [a very poor area of Nairobi], others in
Nyanza province, just because they supported a rival, while in Trans Mara there
is house torching, a phenomenon experienced before. KANU is also on record of
buying votes by dishing out money.
There is
nothing big we can do in such a filthy situation, but we shall try to keep
watch and document any forms of electoral abuses so that after the polls, we
can be able to prosecute the perpetrators.
We also want
the international community to be in Kenya to monitor the process, while the
electoral commission should be vigilant and non-partisan when executing its
duties.
Q: What is the
most important message you would like to pass to Kenyans and the international
community?
A: For Kenyans, they should vote wisely
and embrace the fact that there could be a new government in place, a
government that is going to respect the rule of law.
To the world,
they should trust NAK to deliver good governance, a government that will
subscribe to the United Nations charter and respect human rights.
Q: Is there
anything else you would like to add?
A: Our party has a bone to pick with KBC (Kenya Broadcasting Cooperation) for its biased coverage of political parties. In 1997, in the Inter-Party Parliamentary Group (IPPG), it was agreed that the national broadcaster give equal airtime to parties. However, to the contrary, it only perpetuates propaganda for KANU, yet it uses public funds. The government has failed to liberalize the airwaves so that Kenyans could be educated through the media. It is scheming to gag the print media...
The KANU
government should stop using state machinery like the police to cause chaos or stop
the opposition from holding rallies, because that is undemocratic.
ENDS
2. Can NAK
deliver?
By Zachary
Ochieng
The National
Alliance Party of Kenya (NAK)’s announcement last month of its line up for the
ensuing general election has set the stage for one of the fiercest political
battles ever fought in Kenya. With that announcement, NAK has transformed
itself from an amorphous group to a well-focused political machine (see
Question and Answer session with Dr. Noah Wekesa, chairman of the NAK coordinating committee, next
article).
NAK brings
together 12 political parties and a host of pressure groups. The key leaders
are Mwai Kibaki (DP), Kijana Wamalwa (FORD- Kenya) and Mrs Charity Ngilu (NPK),
with Kibaki being NAK’s presidential candidate.
Now that NAK
has announced its line-up, can it deliver? Earlier this year, it seemed so. On
April 8, NAK released its 20-page Economic Blueprint, titled “Vision and
Strategy.” The master plan spells out what a NAK government would do upon
ascending to power, providing a ray of hope for the revival of the ailing
Kenyan economy.
Among the
blueprint’s highlights is the creation of three million new jobs, zero
tolerance of corruption, economic growth targeted at 7.5 percent per year,
abolition of tourist visas, reduction of taxes, the construction of new homes,
an improved health care system, and the waiving of loans owed by farmers. The
document was prepared by a committee headed by Gem MP Joe Donde, now no longer
in good terms with NAK for insisting to vie for the presidency on a FORD-Kenya
ticket. During the launch, Donde said: “It will take courage and commitment to
rebuild the nation.”
But six months
later, NAK’s vision seems to have fallen through the cracks. It is worth noting
that nobody in NAK talks about the blueprint any more, not to mention the fact
that KANU and other critics rubbished it. Observers have been left wondering
whether NAK’s silence is an admission that it produced an unworkable document.
Joseph
Reriani, an economist with the Ministry of Finance, says: “The creation of jobs
is possible with the promotion of industry and donor support. But cutting taxes
when the government is operating under a deficit is not practicable.” And
Robert Makassy, a missionary from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) said:
“They should explain to Kenyans how they would end corruption. Cutting back on
taxes is welcome but they shouldn’t avoid tourist visas.”
Other critics
argue that the document, which they say was prepared in a hurry, should be
improved upon by stating how NAK’s targets will be achieved. And some have
dismissed the blueprint altogether. Francis Atwoli, secretary general of the
Central Organisation of Trade Unions (COTU) called the blueprint a wish list
and propaganda tool that NAK is using to woo voters. However, despite its
shortcomings, the blueprint provides an insight into the problems plaguing the
country and how they can be solved.
Analysts say
Kibaki’s candidature comes in handy considering that he has twice been in the
presidential race. Kibaki – who is also the leader of the Official Opposition
in Parliament – garnered 1.9 million votes in the 1997 general election
compared with President Moi’s 2.5 million votes.
This time
around, Kibaki is likely to get more votes, thanks to the alliance’s formation.
Since NAK has made inroads into populous areas previously perceived as KANU
zones, observers argue that since politics is a game of numbers, nothing should
stop him from ascending to the presidency. “We are unstoppable and NAK is going
to form the best government Kenya has ever had,” enthuses Kimilili MP Mukhisa
Kituyi, a key member of NAK.
Sources say
that Kibaki might get more votes now than in 1997 from the Rift Valley province
because of a spirited campaign by Cherangani MP Kipruto arap Kirwa, who is a
key NAK member. It is expected that more votes will come from the Nandi and
Kipsigis sub-tribes who have always felt neglected by President Moi’s regime.
But with Uhuru
Kenyatta as KANU’s presidential nominee, it is not going to be a walkover for
Kibaki. One of the reasons President Moi chose Kenyatta was to split the
populous Kikuyu votes, which have always eluded KANU. Indeed, KANU is happy
with Kibaki’s nomination, arguing that he will further scramble for votes with
FORD-People presidential candidate Simeon Nyachae, who has decided to go it
alone.
However,
Kibaki’s major challenge will be to woo back a substantial voting block that
started slipping away immediately after President Moi named Kenyatta as his
preferred successor. Of particular concern is the defection to KANU of former
DP stalwart and party patron Njenga Karume.
The import of
all this is that Kibaki may not have a head start as he did in 1997 when he was
the only serious presidential contender in Kikuyu land. Hence, Kiambu and
Muranga districts where Kibaki harvested votes in 1997 may not be his for the
taking. If the Kenyatta forces move fast enough, they may declare these areas
KANU zones and confine Kibaki to his home district of Nyeri.
Be that as it
may, the Kibaki – Wamalwa – Ngilu axis brings together a formidable force
capable of giving KANU a run for its money. That Wamalwa and Ngilu were both
presidential candidates in 1997 but agreed to drop their ambitions in favour of
Kibaki is no mean feat. Both friend and foe are confounded since they believed
that the opposition would never unite.
With Kenyans
voting along tribal lines, Wamalwa and Ngilu could pull in blocs of Luhya and
Kamba votes respectively, which have always propelled KANU to power. Hence,
President Moi will have to look for another strategy to counter the NAK
onslaught.
NAK’s line up
has both its strengths and weaknesses. Presidential nominee Kibaki has been in
the race twice before. This will certainly give him an edge over other
candidates such as the neophyte Kenyatta. He is also experienced, having been
the country’s vice-president for 10 years. Kibaki is also an experienced
economic manager with a Master’s degree in Economics.
However,
Kibaki could also find himself out of the race if elections are held under a
new constitution. The draft constitution, to be discussed at the National
Constitutional Conference next month, sets the maximum age of a presidential
candidate at 70 years. Kibaki is now 71 years old. And some voters might just
reject him because of his ethnic background. It is instructive that certain
tribes have never been at ease with a Kikuyu as the president on account of the
perceived ills perpetrated by the first president, the late Jomo Kenyatta.
Kijana
Wamalwa, who is Kibaki’s running mate, is a graduate of international law and
very articulate. He is also experienced, having been in the presidential race
in 1997.
Wamalwa has
always been blamed for failing to take advantage of the Odinga legacy to win
the 1997 general election. Upon the death of the doyen of opposition politics
Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, Wamalwa assumed the leadership of the FORD-Kenya party,
which was then very popular. He however failed to make a mark. He is also
facing a bankruptcy suit in court. Although bankruptcy doesn’t count in Kenyan
politics, his detractors can effectively use this as a weapon against him. And
with the Luhyas always divided because of their sub-tribes, he cannot deliver
the entire Luhya vote to NAK.
Charity Ngilu,
the Prime Minister designate, made a mark in 1997 when she became the first
female presidential candidate. Now that she has been proposed for the post of
prime minister in a NAK government, she may attract more women voters to NAK
considering that no other party has proposed a woman for the top slots. Ngilu
is also an accomplished industrialist and enjoys youth support.
However, Ngilu is seen as having failed to defend her position in her former Social Democratic Party of Kenya (SDP). When pressure mounted on her, she simply quit in a huff and founded the National Party of Kenya (NPK). Also, some of her supporters are protesting that she is being offered a non-existing post, for President Moi has reiterated that elections will be held under the current constitution, which does not provide for the post of a prime minister.
But analysts
are almost unanimous that NAK can only win the elections if KANU fields a weak
presidential candidate.
ENDS
3. Draft
Constitution: A milestone in Kenya’s history
By Zachary
Ochieng
The recently launched Draft Constitution of Kenya, titled “The People’s
Choice,” is a comprehensive document that heralds in a new era of constitution
making.
The draft constitution, which contains 20 chapters and 299 clauses, is a
clear departure from the current constitution, which consists 11 chapters.
Opening the draft constitution is a preamble not found in the current
constitution.
In the
preamble, Kenyans express awareness of their ethnic, religious, and cultural
diversity, and vow to live in peace and unity under a government based on
democracy, social justice, and the rule of law.
The draft
constitution contains some significant – and at times controversial –
landmarks. For instance, Chapter 8 states that Cabinet ministers are to be
appointed from outside of Parliament to relieve them of their constituency
duties.
The chapter
also states that: “The president shall not hold any other public office,
including any elected or appointed office within a political party.” The
current constitution has no such provision and allows much power to be vested
in the president, who holds leadership positions in his party as well as a
number of public institutions. The president must also hold a degree from a
recognized university.
Chapter 7,
which talks about the legislature, is yet another salient feature of the draft
constitution. It calls for a two-tier Parliament. It is worth noting that Kenya
ascended to independence with a two-chamber Parliament, which was later
abolished. Section 105 provides that: “There shall be two Houses of Parliament,
an Upper House called the National Council, and a Lower House called the
National Assembly.”
The document
also provides for women’s representation in Parliament. Section 109 (1) states:
“Subject to clause (2), at least one third of the members of each House shall
be women,” while 109 (2) adds: “Within three years of coming into force of this
constitution, Parliament shall enact a law to implement the requirements of
clause (1).”
The death
penalty, which exists in current statutes, is abolished in Chapter 5. Other
rights and freedoms mentioned in the bill of rights include the right to life
and privacy, freedom from discrimination, and freedom of assembly.
The draft
document also provides for consumer rights, previously not enshrined in the
constitution. Section 64 (1) states: “Consumers have the right to goods and
services which are not harmful to their health.”
Citizenship
takes on a different character in Chapter 4 of the draft constitution. The
document has abolished gender discrimination as pertains to citizenship. In the
draft, a child born of either a male or female Kenyan parent and a foreigner
automatically becomes a citizen. The current constitution only allows a child
born of a Kenyan father and a foreign mother to acquire citizenship
automatically.
One
contentious chapter, Chapter 10, recommends that the provincial administration
be abolished and replaced by village, location, district, and provincial
governments elected by the people. The current provincial administration is
chosen by the government and has always invited the wrath of the public due to
its dictatorial tendencies.
Other
highlights include:
* a person of
either gender married to a Kenyan can acquire citizenship. For example, section
20 (1) states: “A person who has been married to a citizen of Kenya for a
period of not less than three years is entitled to an application to be
registered as a Kenya citizen”. Clause (2) of the same section adds:
“citizenship is not lost through marriage or the dissolution of marriage;”
* the creation
of a supreme court to be headed by the chief justice. The document also
proposes to reduce the retirement age of judges from the current 74 to 65
years;
* a stress on
land rights and efficiency. Section 232 (1) stipulates: “Land being Kenya’s
primary resource and the basis of livelihood for the people shall be held in a
manner which is equitable, efficient, productive, and sustainable;”
* the creation
of a contingency fund within the Central Bank of Kenya (CBK);
* an emphasis
on rehabilitation in the prison system. Section 267 (1) states: “The primary
object of the Kenya Correctional Service is to rehabilitate persons convicted
of crime, and facilitate the return of those persons to useful lives in the
community;”
* the establishment
of a National Defence Council; and
* the
establishment of a Leadership and Integrity Code to apply to the president, the
Prime Minister, deputy prime ministers, ministers, and all holders of
constitutional offices.
Although the
document was based on views gathered from the public and will be subjected to
debate at the National Constitutional Conference slated for next month, it has
come under severe criticism, not least by President Daniel arap Moi who termed
it “alien.” Strangely enough, the president had earlier turned down an
invitation to present his views to the Commission, arguing that he was being
called “at the eleventh hour after a constitution had been written.”
The Federation
of Kenya Employers Executive Director Tom Owuor says the document does not
address the protection of workers, employers, and investors’ rights. “The draft
is silent on the workers and employers’ interests, which need to be looked
into,” he says.
The fate of
the draft constitution now hangs in the balance as two cases are before the
courts, a clear pointer that its discussion could be jeopardised. Lawyers Tom
K’opere and John Njongoro filed the first suit, while the second one was filed
by Appellate Judge Moijo ole Keiuwa and High Court Judge Vitalis Juma.
All the
litigants sought to stop the discussion of the recommendations on the judiciary
at the forthcoming National Constitutional Conference. Besides outside
interference, CKRC also suffered major setbacks from within. Commission
chairman Prof Yash Pal Ghai accuses some of the commissioners whom he describes
as the “most dishonest and despicable people I have ever worked with.”
When the
Commission retreated to Mombasa to prepare the draft, one commissioner, Keriako
Tobiko, never travelled. Other commissioners perceived to be uncooperative –
Mosonik arap Korir, Abida Ali, and Alice Yano – attended the proceedings but
did not contribute to the deliberations. Consequently, the four commissioners
were not present at the launch of the document and therefore did not sign it.
Fears now abound that the elections will be held under the current constitution, following persistent pronouncements by President Moi to that effect. If he dissolves Parliament before the National Constitutional Conference is convened, it may be sometime before Kenyans see a new constitution. But with support pouring in for the draft constitution from the civil society and diplomats, President Moi may be forced to beat a hasty retreat.
ENDS
By Fred Oluoch
Hopes that
people from humble backgrounds could ascend to Kenya's leadership are becoming
increasingly dim in the homestretch to the Moi succession.
An underlying
notion among the common folk is that there exists a "conspiracy" to
maintain leadership in certain circles, making it difficult for the emergence
of a new crop of leadership purely from a national platform.
Very telling
is the decision by the immensely powerful President Moi to back Local
Government Minister Uhuru Kenyatta – a son of the first president Kenyatta –
who even his KANU colleagues consider as lacking in experience.
Former
Vice-President George Saitoti, former KANU Secretary-General Raila Odinga, and
Minister for Transport and Communications Musalia Mudavadi are currently lost for
direction as President Moi roots for Kenyatta, a latecomer who was
"rushed" up the political ladder within one year. Katana Ngala has
since withdrawn from the race after conducting what analysts perceive as a
half-heated attempt at the presidency.
Some quarters
believe that President Moi, who inherited the presidency in 1978 following the
death of former President Kenyatta, is simply trying to create a dynasty,
raising fears that the move could infringe upon the voters' right to choose and
trample upon Kenya's nascent democracy.
But even as
the president’s choice is raising a political storm within KANU, it is
instructive that except for Saitoti and Musyoka, those who had earlier been
lined up as potential aspirants in KANU – namely Odinga, Mudavadi, and Ngala –
are all scions of the so-called "political families" that have for
years determined the political direction of their respective regions.
The Mudavadis
and Ngalas are long-time political associates of President Moi. The late Ronald
Ngala, for instance, was the president's boss in the defunct Kenya African
Democratic Union (KADU), while the late Moses Mudamba Mudavadi is credited for
encouraging the president to switch careers from teaching to politics in 1955.
Notably, Mudavadi comparatively has not been pushing hard, yet he commands a
sizeable following among a section of his Luhya community, courtesy of his
family links.
KANU MP for
Cherangany, Kipruto Kirwa, puts the blame of this holding onto power by elite
families squarely on Kenyans. "The people have been disempowered by the
ravaging poverty and have lost faith in themselves,” argues Kirwa. “I cannot
pretend that I can be the president of this country today if I cannot marshal
the resources."
Kenyans, he
says, "have not yet believed that anybody other than those from the
so-called political families are capable of leading the country.”
Ford-Asili MP
for Runyenjes, Njeru Kathangu illustrated clearly this sentiment when, in
December 2000, he proposed that President Moi be made a monarch and allowed to
pick his successor.
Kathangu’s
argument then was based on the premise that since Kenyans were unable to remove
President Moi or shake off his influence through the ballot, it would be safer
to make him a "life ruler" to dissuade him from his mission to
maintain control over the country's affairs even in his retirement.
According to
Gichira Kibara, executive director of the Centre for Governance and Development
(CGD), current efforts to maintain leadership within elite circles will succeed,
given that the country lacks strong democratic institutions that would enable
the electorate to have the upper hand in determining the transition.
While
acknowledging that dynasties are common features in many countries owing to the
popular perception that democracy is more stable when a certain class is
dominant, Kibara maintains that in Kenya, the protection of the current ruling
clique is the priority. "Unless we change the system from patronage
approach to merit, the peasants will have no claim to leadership in the near
future," he argues.
KANU insiders
intimate that out of the lot currently scrambling to succeed President Moi,
Kenyatta's presidency would be less threatening to the current ruling clique,
given that he would be less inclined to prosecute since the alleged excesses of
his father's reign are yet to be addressed.
Yet, the
situation is not any different in the opposition, where most of the leading
aspirants with chances of winning the presidency in the event of a fallout in
KANU are either former associates of President Moi or belong to the so-called
"political families.”
Democratic
Party (DP) chairman Mwai Kibaki, who is seen as the front runner in the
opposition, served as President Moi's vice-president for 10 years, while his
Ford-Kenya counterpart, Michael Kijana Wamalwa, owes much of his political
fortunes to the legacy of his father, the late William Wamalwa, a
pre-independent senator who made a name as a prominent farmer in Trans Nzoia
District.
The same
applies to Ford-People head Simeon Nyachae, a son of a former paramount chief
Musa Nyandusi, who was a close friend of the late President Kenyatta. Nyachae,
a former finance minister in the Moi government, had a long stint in the
provincial administration and civil service before his retirement in 1986. He
parted ways with President Moi in 1999.
But opposition aside, the goings on in KANU continue to attract considerable attention given that the party, despite the current jostling for the presidency, retain high chances of forming the next government.
ENDS
1. Glossary of
Terms
All throughout
the chronology and updates are sprinkled acronyms referring to various
committees, commissions, political movements, etc. Here, we spell out these
acronyms and provide some brief background information.
CKRC =
Constitution of Kenya Review Commission. Chaired by Prof. Yash Pal Ghai, the
27-member group collects the views of a wide cross-section of Kenyan groups and
individuals. The commission is supposed to present Kenyans with a new
constitution on October 4.
PSCCR =
Parliamentary Select Committee on Constitutional Review. Chaired by Raila
Odinga, Minister of Energy, the committee monitors the work of the Constitution
of Kenya Review Commission (CKRC).
KANU =
Kenya African National Union, the party that has ruled Kenya since
independence. Daniel arap Moi is the president of Kenya.
NAC =
National Alliance for Change. This is a grouping of the Democratic Party,
FORD-Kenya, National Party of Kenya (NPK), FORD-Asili, the unregistered Saba
Saba Asili, SPARK, and several advocacy groups. The group is striving to field
one presidential candidate.
NAK = the National Alliance (Party) of
Kenya. This is the overarching political party that NAC has recently formed.
KPC =
Kenya People's Coalition. This is a grouping of FORD-People, Safina, the Labour
Party of Kenya, and the National Convention Executive Council (NCEC).
MPs =
Members of Parliament. Currently, the House contains a total of 224 MPs
(including two ex-officio members)
2. Chronology